
Johan Galtung is
widely regarded as the 'father' of peace studies. This is a talk he gave
to an informal meeting of the UN General Assembly Plenary in New York on 2 October
2007, the International Day of Nonviolence.
Mr Chairperson, Foreign Ministers, Excellencies, Panelists! Gandhi was fighting the UK Empire,
meaning UK invasion and occupation. One invasion, Viceroy Richard Wellesley in
1798 against the Sultan of Mysore, was also clearly anti-Muslim. The same year
Napoleon's mission civilisatrice invaded Egypt to make himself Sultan
el-kebir, Great Ruler, but were thrown out in 1801. The English came in 1807
and Egypt was a colony till 1922.
Gandhi dialogued with everybody in his many struggles, including with the
viceroy of an empire he had come to loathe. And it bore fruits.
For Gandhi conflict was a challenge to know each other, having something in
common, not being irrelevant to each other. Let us talk it over! He preferred
violence to cowardice and conflict, disharmony to no relation at all; the best
being, of course, the non-violence of the brave and relations of harmony. Maybe [the] West could learn from Islamic economics deep respect for economic
transactions as human transactions? And Islam from the West deep respect for
more diversity of views and opinions? Welcome conflict, welcome challenge!
Gandhi fought an evil empire, as seen by how they reacted to the Sepoy mutiny
150 years ago, or to the 1919 Amritsar massacre. Churchill not only referred to
him as a semi-naked fakir but sincerely hoped he would fast himself to death.
But in 1947 it was all over: first went India, then the rest of the empire,
mainly due to Gandhi's non-violence. Today they are both, India and England,
blossoming; India with a brilliant linguistic federalism and phenomenal
economic growth, England heading the same way but still with some residual
imperialism. And Gordon Brown sounds much like Tony Blair without the flair; in
the 'special relationship' with the senior partner.
The US global empire - broader, deeper, and more evil - was the successor to
the UK global empire, with Israel being the successor in the Middle East and
Australia in the Pacific. They all have settler colonialism in common. That
spells invasion and occupation; today by the USA in Iraq, Afghanistan and
partly Saudi Arabia; and by Israel in Palestine. But people hate being invaded
and occupied, regardless of invader-occupier creativity in legitimizing the
exercise. So there is massive resistance in all four, like there was in Norway
under Germany.
How did Gandhi resist? By brilliantly transcending the conflict between the kshatriyah
varnadharma of violent heroic struggle and his own swadharma of
non-violence, into non-violent heroic struggle, known as satyagraha.
Born 9/11 1906; with no readiness to kill but to be killed, the ultimate
sacrifice.
To many satyagraha above all means non-violent struggle resisting
direct and/or structural violence. But there is much more to satyagraha,
particularly five points that go beyond such terms as 'struggle', 'resistance',
'heroic' and 'sacrifice', way into deeper and wiser politics than victorious
invasions.
All five points apply to the four anti-imperial struggles today. The struggles
spell an end to fundamentalist Christian US and hard Zionist Israeli
imperialism. But the Gandhian points would raise USA and Israel to conviviality
with others. They cut both ways: these are Gandhian messages not only to the
invaders-occupiers in Washington-Jerusalem, but also to the invaded-occupied in
Iraq-Afghanistan-Palestine-Saudi Arabia. The more they are practised the better
for both sides, and for us all.
Point 1: Never fear dialogue
It is pathetic to watch a US Secretary of State travel in and out of Israel
assuring them that she will meet with neither Hamas, nor Hizbollah, nor
Damascus, nor Tehran when that is exactly what she has to do to make her points
and maybe learn some new ones. She may feel it is too much an honour for those
evil parties. But they [1] may not see an encounter with the USA as that much an
honour, nor [2] will this approach make them more amenable. They will not go
away anyhow.
But this also applies to a Mullah Omar and a Hektamayar, representing the
religious and the national resistance, on top of which comes the resistance
from the overwhelming majority of Afghans one way or another who simply want
neither invasion nor occupation. USA/NATO fight three wars. Thou shalt
dialogue. The conditionality approach, first NATO out, then talks, is highly
understandable, but that point can be much better communicated in a dialogue
covering all issues.
Point 2: Never fear conflict: more opportunity than danger
Conflict can be understood the Anglo-American way as violent clashes of
actors-parties, or as an incompatibility of the goals of those actors-parties.
The former perspective leads to control of one or more party, usually of [the]
Other, even to incapacitation-expulsion- extermination. The latter may lead to
problem-solving. Thus, how can legitimate goals of all parties be accommodated?
Could it be that even [the] Other has legitimate goals? And - horribile dictu -
that I, Self, fall short?
A conflict can be seen by the less mature and very self-righteous as a chance
to impose oneself, prevail, to 'win'. Or, by the more mature, as an occasion
for self-examination rather than Other-censure, and a search for that possibly
new reality where legitimate goals of all parties can be accommodated. Like the
Muslim world's goals of respect for Islam and the Western world's goals of
democracy and free markets. Not easy, that one.
Points 3 and 4 introduce a major medium in which all conflicts unfold: time.
Diplomats in general, not only Anglo-Americans, negotiate ratifiable agreements
in the game of goals, values, interests as they present themselves
synchronically, at present. But in real life the past throws long shadows into
the present. Conflicts are often asynchronic, the parties live in different
time zones; years, decades, centuries apart. They all have their own Greenwich
Mean Time, and often very mean, indeed.
And in real life the future is like a light-house with red, yellow and green
sectors: Danger, stay out! - Proceed with care! - This is the road! Some lights
are strong, even blinding, others are perceived only by the most sensitive. You
neglect them at your own considerable risk. As the advisor to Serbian president
Cosic, Professor Stojanovic, said of the US approach before the 1999 illegal
NATO attack on Serbia: [the] USA suffers from excessive 'presentism', aware
neither of history nor of what the future may hold in store of good, bad and
worse.
Point 3:
Know history or you are doomed to repeat it (Burke)
Gandhi knew the history of the English and their empire often better than they
themselves while at the same time being at home in his own; the facts and the
equally important fiction (like the Mahabharata). He came to the
conclusion that the UK imperial inclination to glory and ruling the waves (with
some land thrown in) had to be fought at its root, by spinning chains of
non-violence into the very heart of England. So he did.
But history sediments layers of trauma, not only glory, in the collective
memory. How can we ever understand the resistance of the four without
understanding the traumas suffered by
Iraq: 1258, the Baghdad massacre by the Ilkhan and the Pope and
1916, UK carving out Iraq; province 19, Kuwait in 1898;
Afghanistan: the UK invasions 1838-1878 and the
Soviet 1979;
Palestine: 1916 Sykes-Picot treason, 1948 nakhba for
711,000;
Saudi Arabia: the 1945 treaty killing the wahhab
vision of life.
Suffer such
unreconciled traumas and, rightly or not, next time the perpetrator comes uninvited
the response is 'there they go again'. Anglo-America is so self-righteous that
they do not even fear confirming predictions flowing from history. Like most
perpetrators their memory is short. Victims never forget. Acknowledgment of the
traumas and conciliation are much overdue.
'Be today the future you want to see tomorrow' was Gandhi's way of translating
this point into positive non-cooperation and civil disobedience, emptying the
oppressive structures while at the same time shedding light on the future and
training the satyagrahi for positive peace, conviviality, not only for
the repertory of meetings, resolutions and demonstrations.
Gandhi was certainly resisting the English empire and fighting for swaraj.
But that did not prevent him from attending to such ills of his own Mother
India as untouchability, discrimination of women, misery and the increasing gap
between Hindus and Muslims. The latter ultimately led to the partition which,
with the disastrous change of the proposed borderline by the last Viceroy, Lord
Mountbatten, led to a blood-bath and a trauma exacerbating for generations the
protracted Kashmir conflict. There is so much
work to do!
Point 4: Image the future or you will never get there
The unifying vision in the struggle is 'Invaders Go Home!', saying that loud
and clear. But Gandhi's vision went beyond independence - swaraj - to
a world that included the occupier: more English than today, but as friends, on
a basis of equality!
Very compelling, very disarming. Maybe there is a message here for all six
parties to think, speak and act in terms of a future together? Here is an
example: a Middle East Community - modeled on the European Community that
accommodated former Nazi Germany - of Israel's five border countries Lebanon,
Syria, Jordan, Palestine fully recognized and Egypt, with a formerly hard
zionist Israel?
Point 5: While fighting occupation clean up your own house!
That the colonizers also critiqued untouchability and women discrimination,
outlawing its extreme expression in the suttee, did not prevent Gandhi
from attacking these social ills. His was not the cheap logic of denying any
truth also held by the chief antagonist. Many at a lower level of maturity
become victims of polarisation.
Nor did he attack caste because the colonizers often used it as one of their
levers in their divide et impera tactic to dominate India. He fought it as evil
in its own right.
Now back to occupiers and occupied: what could they learn from Gandhi in
addition to turning from violence to non-violence?
The problem is how to channel the energies produced by a conflict so that the
parties blossom. The three (and a half) occupations have to be lifted, invaders
have to go home and dismantle their imperial structures. Both sides must be
liberated from the disastrous tie of imperialism. By fighting according to the
Gandhian way both sides can blossom because these energies are used positively.
Non-violent resistance would have served Iraqis against both Hussein and Bush,
Afghans against their invaders, Palestinians inside and outside Israel against
hard zionism, and Saudis much better than the violent 9/11 (an extra-judicial
execution of two buildings for their sins against Alla'h?).
To repeat, Gandhi also used these five approaches in his constructive handling
of conflict:
Point 1: Never fear dialogue
Point 2: Never fear conflict: more opportunity than
danger
Point 3: Know history or you are doomed to repeat it
(Burke)
Point 4: Image the future or you will never get there
Point 5: While fighting occupation clean up your own
house!
As Sonia Gandhi
said of the first International Day of Non-violence in her concluding address
this morning : Let us embrace non-violence, and become truly human.
A vote of thanks to India for putting Gandhi and his non-violence on the
political agenda!
* The United Nations General Assembly unanimously adopted a resolution on
15 June 2007 to observe and celebrate annually Mahatma Gandhi's birthday,
October 2, as the International Day of Nonviolence. The resolution was piloted
by India and was co-sponsored by 142 countries. Among those not co-sponsoring
were the United States and Norway.
Among the speakers on 2 October 2007 were the UN Secretary General Ban Ki
Moon, and Sonia Gandhi who also expressed her gratitude to the co-sponsors of
the resolution. Following that there was a Round Table Meeting in Conference
Room 5, UN Building. The panelists were Dr Ahmed Kathrada, Prof Amartya Sen, Dr
Ela Gandhi, Dr Gene Sharp, Rev Jesse Jackson Sr, Prof Johan Galtung, Prof John
Nash and Dr Lia Diskin.
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